Social Class, Contextualism, and Empathic Accuracy
Recent research suggests that lower-class individuals favor explanations of personal and political outcomes that are oriented to features of the external environment. We extended this work by testing the hypothesis that, as a result, individuals of a lower social class are more empathically accurate...
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| Vydané v: | Psychological science Ročník 21; číslo 11; s. 1716 - 1723 |
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| Hlavní autori: | , , |
| Médium: | Journal Article |
| Jazyk: | English |
| Vydavateľské údaje: |
Los Angeles, CA
SAGE Publications
01.11.2010
SAGE PUBLICATIONS, INC |
| Predmet: | |
| ISSN: | 0956-7976, 1467-9280, 1467-9280 |
| On-line prístup: | Získať plný text |
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| Abstract | Recent research suggests that lower-class individuals favor explanations of personal and political outcomes that are oriented to features of the external environment. We extended this work by testing the hypothesis that, as a result, individuals of a lower social class are more empathically accurate in judging the emotions of other people. In three studies, lower-class individuals (compared with upper-class individuals) received higher scores on a test of empathic accuracy (Study 1), judged the emotions of an interaction partner more accurately (Study 2), and made more accurate inferences about emotion from static images of muscle movements in the eyes (Study 3). Moreover, the association between social class and empathie accuracy was explained by the tendency for lower-class individuals to explain social events in terms of features of the external environment. The implications of class-based patterns in empathic accuracy for well-being and relationship outcomes are discussed. |
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| AbstractList | Recent research suggests that lower-class individuals favor explanations of personal and political outcomes that are oriented to features of the external environment. We extended this work by testing the hypothesis that, as a result, individuals of a lower social class are more empathically accurate in judging the emotions of other people. In three studies, lower-class individuals (compared with upper-class individuals) received higher scores on a test of empathic accuracy (Study 1), judged the emotions of an interaction partner more accurately (Study 2), and made more accurate inferences about emotion from static images of muscle movements in the eyes (Study 3). Moreover, the association between social class and empathic accuracy was explained by the tendency for lower-class individuals to explain social events in terms of features of the external environment. The implications of class-based patterns in empathic accuracy for well-being and relationship outcomes are discussed. Recent research suggests that lower-class individuals favor explanations of personal and political outcomes that are oriented to features of the external environment. We extended this work by testing the hypothesis that, as a result, individuals of a lower social class are more empathically accurate in judging the emotions of other people. In three studies, lower-class individuals (compared with upper-class individuals) received higher scores on a test of empathic accuracy (Study 1), judged the emotions of an interaction partner more accurately (Study 2), and made more accurate inferences about emotion from static images of muscle movements in the eyes (Study 3). Moreover, the association between social class and empathic accuracy was explained by the tendency for lower-class individuals to explain social events in terms of features of the external environment. The implications of class-based patterns in empathic accuracy for well-being and relationship outcomes are discussed.Recent research suggests that lower-class individuals favor explanations of personal and political outcomes that are oriented to features of the external environment. We extended this work by testing the hypothesis that, as a result, individuals of a lower social class are more empathically accurate in judging the emotions of other people. In three studies, lower-class individuals (compared with upper-class individuals) received higher scores on a test of empathic accuracy (Study 1), judged the emotions of an interaction partner more accurately (Study 2), and made more accurate inferences about emotion from static images of muscle movements in the eyes (Study 3). Moreover, the association between social class and empathic accuracy was explained by the tendency for lower-class individuals to explain social events in terms of features of the external environment. The implications of class-based patterns in empathic accuracy for well-being and relationship outcomes are discussed. Recent research suggests that lower-class individuals favor explanations of personal and political outcomes that are oriented to features of the external environment. We extended this work by testing the hypothesis that, as a result, individuals of a lower social class are more empathically accurate in judging the emotions of other people. In three studies, lower-class individuals (compared with upper-class individuals) received higher scores on a test of empathic accuracy (Study 1), judged the emotions of an interaction partner more accurately (Study 2), and made more accurate inferences about emotion from static images of muscle movements in the eyes (Study 3). Moreover, the association between social class and empathie accuracy was explained by the tendency for lower-class individuals to explain social events in terms of features of the external environment. The implications of class-based patterns in empathic accuracy for well-being and relationship outcomes are discussed. Recent research suggests that lower-class individuals favor explanations of personal and political outcomes that are oriented to features of the external environment. We extended this work by testing the hypothesis that, as a result, individuals of a lower social class are more empathically accurate in judging the emotions of other people. In three studies, lower-class individuals (compared with upper-class individuals) received higher scores on a test of empathic accuracy (Study 1), judged the emotions of an interaction partner more accurately (Study 2), and made more accurate inferences about emotion from static images of muscle movements in the eyes (Study 3). Moreover, the association between social class and empathic accuracy was explained by the tendency for lower-class individuals to explain social events in terms of features of the external environment. The implications of class-based patterns in empathic accuracy for well-being and relationship outcomes are discussed. Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications |
| Author | Keltner, Dacher Kraus, Michael W. Côté, Stéphane |
| Author_xml | – sequence: 1 givenname: Michael W. surname: Kraus fullname: Kraus, Michael W. – sequence: 2 givenname: Stéphane surname: Côté fullname: Côté, Stéphane – sequence: 3 givenname: Dacher surname: Keltner fullname: Keltner, Dacher |
| BackLink | https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/20974714$$D View this record in MEDLINE/PubMed |
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| References | Adler, Boyce, Chesney, Cohen, Folkman, Kahn, Syme 1994; 49 Adler, Epel, Castellazzo, Ickovics 2000; 19 Johnson, Krueger 2006; 90 Côté, Miners 2006; 51 Gosling, Rentfrow, Swann 2003; 37 Kraus, Keltner 2009; 20 Ickes, Gesn, Graham 2005; 7 Galinsky, Gruenfeld, Magee 2003; 85 Chen, Matthews 2001; 23 Elo, Preston 1996; 42 Winkleby, Jatulis, Frank, Fortmann 1992; 82 West, Popp, Kenny 2008; 34 Mahalingam 2003; 59 Stephens, Markus, Townsend 2007; 93 Brackett, Mayer 2003; 29 Morris, Peng 1994; 67 Hall, Halberstadt, O’Brien 1997; 37 Keltner, Gruenfeld, Anderson 2003; 110 Bourdieu 1985; 14 Ickes, Stinson, Bissonnette, Garcia 1990; 59 Lopes, Brackett, Nezlek, Schütz, Sellin, Salovey 2004; 30 Snibbe, Markus 2005; 88 Stinson, Ickes 1992; 62 Kraus, Piff, Keltner 2009; 97 Schmid Mast, Jonas, Hall 2009; 97 Gallo, Matthews 2003; 129 Baron-Cohen, Wheelwright, Hill, Raste, Plumb 2001; 42 Graziano, Habashi, Sheese, Tobin 2007; 93 Oakes, Rossi 2003; 56 Levenson, Ruef 1992; 63 Oyserman, Lee 2008; 134 Hall, Rosip, Smith LeBeau, Horgan, Carter 2006; 42 Guinote 2007; 33 Nisbett R.E. (bibr31-0956797610387613) 2009 bibr5-0956797610387613 bibr35-0956797610387613 bibr22-0956797610387613 bibr21-0956797610387613 bibr39-0956797610387613 bibr4-0956797610387613 John O.P. (bibr20-0956797610387613) 1999 bibr26-0956797610387613 bibr13-0956797610387613 bibr19-0956797610387613 bibr30-0956797610387613 bibr17-0956797610387613 bibr6-0956797610387613 bibr25-0956797610387613 bibr38-0956797610387613 Mayer J.D. (bibr29-0956797610387613) 2002 bibr33-0956797610387613 bibr16-0956797610387613 bibr24-0956797610387613 bibr7-0956797610387613 bibr11-0956797610387613 bibr2-0956797610387613 bibr37-0956797610387613 bibr28-0956797610387613 bibr32-0956797610387613 bibr8-0956797610387613 bibr15-0956797610387613 bibr36-0956797610387613 Kenny D.A. (bibr23-0956797610387613) 2006 bibr10-0956797610387613 Goldberg L.R. (bibr12-0956797610387613) 1999; 7 bibr1-0956797610387613 bibr9-0956797610387613 bibr40-0956797610387613 bibr14-0956797610387613 bibr27-0956797610387613 Argyle M. (bibr3-0956797610387613) 1994 bibr18-0956797610387613 Pascarella E.T. (bibr34-0956797610387613) 1991 |
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