On Tense, agreement, and the syntax of null and overt subjects Evidence from Romance infinitives
In this paper I argue that the position and realization of subjects in adverbial non-finite clauses in Italian, Spanish, Galician, and European Portuguese can provide valuable insight into the licensing conditions for pro and postverbal subjects in finite clauses in these pro-drop languages. I first...
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| Veröffentlicht in: | Isogloss Jg. 10; H. 7; S. 1 - 18 |
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| 1. Verfasser: | |
| Format: | Journal Article |
| Sprache: | Englisch |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Bellaterra
Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona, Servei de Publicacions
01.01.2024
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| Schlagworte: | |
| ISSN: | 2385-4138, 2385-4138 |
| Online-Zugang: | Volltext |
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| Zusammenfassung: | In this paper I argue that the position and realization of subjects in adverbial non-finite clauses in Italian, Spanish, Galician, and European Portuguese can provide valuable insight into the licensing conditions for pro and postverbal subjects in finite clauses in these pro-drop languages. I first provide evidence that Tense and Agreement constitute separate syntactic heads in these languages, as argued by Belletti (1990) among others, and also apply this analysis to non-finite clauses in Spanish, Galician, and Portuguese. I will also argue, after analyzing the syntactic variation exhibited by subjects in non-finite clauses (containing regular and inflected infinitives) in Spanish, Galician, and European Portuguese, that (i) postverbal overt subject DPs are licensed by a full set of φ-features in Agr (overt or covert), (ii) pro is licensed by an Agr head that is overtly realized by either overt φ-features or verb movement, and (iii) preverbal overt subject DPs are licensed by verb movement to Agr. |
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| Bibliographie: | ObjectType-Article-1 SourceType-Scholarly Journals-1 ObjectType-Feature-2 content type line 14 |
| ISSN: | 2385-4138 2385-4138 |
| DOI: | 10.5565/rev/isogloss.416 |