The Diachronic Typology of Non-Canonical Subjects
In this paper I have examined several instances in which an oblique constituent acquires canonical subject marking, i.e. nominative case and verbal agreement (in an accusative language). These instances show that an oblique constituent may acquire subject coding properties without being beforehand e...
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John Benjamins Publishing Company
2013
J. Benjamins John Benjamins |
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| Schriftenreihe: | Studies in Language Companion Series |
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| Abstract | In this paper I have examined several instances in which an oblique constituent acquires canonical subject marking, i.e. nominative case and verbal agreement (in an accusative language). These instances show that an oblique constituent may acquire subject coding properties without being beforehand endowed with subject behavioural properties, if two requirements are met: (i) this oblique constituent must exhibit a considerable functional overlap with the prototypical subject in the given language and, (ii) there must be either no canonically case-marked subject in the construction at all, or the coding subject properties must be assigned to a constituent that has less functional-semantic overlap with the prototypical subject than the oblique constituent. Furthermore, I claim that there is often some minor semantic change concomitant with the acquisition of subject coding properties. I have also introduced the control over the pre-stage property (CoP) which is a weaker entailment than Dowty's (1991) volitional involvement in event or state. It only denotes whether or not the experiencer had the choice to resist the experience to come about. Differently from Dowty's (1991) approach, which presupposes that the proto-role entailments are lexical and provided primarily by the predicate, it is assumed that some of the proto-role entailments may also stem from the case frame. This becomes especially obvious with the labile predicates that allow for more than one case frame, each resulting in different sets of the proto-role entailments. |
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| AbstractList | In this paper I have examined several instances in which an oblique constituent acquires canonical subject marking, i.e. nominative case and verbal agreement (in an accusative language). These instances show that an oblique constituent may acquire subject coding properties without being beforehand endowed with subject behavioural properties, if two requirements are met: (i) this oblique constituent must exhibit a considerable functional overlap with the prototypical subject in the given language and, (ii) there must be either no canonically case-marked subject in the construction at all, or the coding subject properties must be assigned to a constituent that has less functional-semantic overlap with the prototypical subject than the oblique constituent. Furthermore, I claim that there is often some minor semantic change concomitant with the acquisition of subject coding properties. I have also introduced the control over the pre-stage property (CoP) which is a weaker entailment than Dowty's (1991) volitional involvement in event or state. It only denotes whether or not the experiencer had the choice to resist the experience to come about. Differently from Dowty's (1991) approach, which presupposes that the proto-role entailments are lexical and provided primarily by the predicate, it is assumed that some of the proto-role entailments may also stem from the case frame. This becomes especially obvious with the labile predicates that allow for more than one case frame, each resulting in different sets of the proto-role entailments. This work contributes to the diachrony of non-canonical subjects in a typological perspective. The questions addressed concern the internal mechanisms and triggers for various changes that non-canonical subjects undergo, ranging from semantic motivations to purely structural explanations. |
| Author | Kulikov, L. I. Seržant, Ilja A. |
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| Editor | Seržant, Ilja A Kulikov, Leonid |
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| Keywords | Theoretical linguistics Typology Syntax Historical linguistics |
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| Snippet | In this paper I have examined several instances in which an oblique constituent acquires canonical subject marking, i.e. nominative case and verbal agreement... This work contributes to the diachrony of non-canonical subjects in a typological perspective. The questions addressed concern the internal mechanisms and... |
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| SubjectTerms | 1989 Competition, International Developing countries Economic conditions Economic integration Europe, Eastern European Union Grammar, Comparative and general Grammar, Comparative and general -- Syntax Grammar, Comparative and general -- Topic and comment Historical linguistics Language LANGUAGE ARTS & DISCIPLINES / Linguistics / General Syntax Theoretical linguistics Typology |
| TableOfContents | 3.3.3 Which predicate and NP types are affected first? References -- Diachrony of experiencer subject marking -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Overview of experiencer subject marking in East Caucasian -- 2.1 Experiencer marking -- 2.2 Involuntary agent constructions -- 2.3 Dedicated non-canonical subject markers -- 2.4 Non-canonical agreement with experiencer subjects -- 3. Case marking vs. person agreement -- 4. Loss of non-canonical subject marking in Udi and Dargwa -- 4.1 Behavior-driven loss of non-canonical subject marking? -- 4.2 Frequency/productivity-driven loss of non-canonical subject marking? -- 4.3 Semantically motivated syntactic drift -- 4.4 Expansion of ablative subjects in Tsakhur -- Conclusions -- Abbreviations -- Acknowledgments -- References -- Obliqueness, quasi-subjects and transitivity in Baltic and Slavonic -- 0. Introduction -- 1. Non-prototypical and non-canonical subjects -- 2. Subjecthood and the Obliqueness Hierarchy -- 3. Types of constructions with oblique subjects and quasi-subjects -- 4. Obliqueness clines, matches and mismatches -- 5. Diffuseness of subjecthood -- 6. Local exceptions in the obliqueness hierarchy -- 7. Obliqueness adjustments in constructions with external possessors -- 8. The problem of constructions without a nominative -- 9. Quasi-subjects in interclausal syntax -- 10. In conclusion -- Acknowledgements -- Abbreviations -- References -- Rise of canonical subjecthood -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Lithuanian su-/at-šalti 'to get cold' and su-šlapti 'to get wet' -- 2.1 Data -- 2.2 Imperative -- 2.3 Contexts with another participant having the CoP -- 2.4 Inchoative (change-of-state) su-/at-šalti 'to get cold' versus processual/stative šalti 'to be cold' -- 2.5 Subjecthood -- 3. Lithuanian (pri)trūkti 'to be short of', už-tekti 'to have/be enough of' -- 3.1 Data -- 3.2 Subjecthood -- 4. The Russian verb vyrvat' 'to vomit' -- 4.1 Data -- 4.2 Subjecthood 4.4 Nominative subject vs. oblique subject in the context of grammaticalizaion -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Non-canonical subject marking -- 1. Introduction -- 2. nom-s and gen-s with tr. and itr. verbs -- 3. Other uses of the participle -- 4. Semantics of the perfect -- 5. Morphology and prehistory -- 6. Prehistory of the construction -- 7. Later texts -- 8. Summary -- References -- Texts and editions: -- Secondary literature: -- The rise of non-canonical subjects and semantic alignments in Hindi -- 1. What is a non-canonical 'subject'? Its properties in Modern Standard Hindi -- 1.1 Canonical subject properties -- 1.2 Core properties of non-canonical subjects -- 1.3 Non core properties -- 1.4 A semantically consistent class? -- 2. Continuity from Sanskrit: Non-nominative 'agents' (instrumental/genitive) -- 2.1 Instrumental subjects -- 2.2 Genitive subjects -- 2.3 Dative: A beneficiary and a target, not an experiencer subject -- 3. The rise of experiencer 'subjects' in early NIA -- 3.1 The problems in constructing the data -- 3.2 A semantically consistent class -- 3.2.1 Classes of predicates -- 3.2.2 Evidence for subjecthood in ancient Hindi -- 3.3 The main shifts in early NIA: Towards a new case marking? -- 4. Systemic changes and the development of new case markers -- 4.1 Origin of postpositions as case markers -- 4.2 Typological correlations -- 5. Factors involved in the emergence and stabilization of non-nominative 'subjects' -- 5.1 Reanalysis and speaker's choice -- 5.2 Lexical renewal and attraction -- 5.3 Differentiation between alternative argument structures: Avoidance of synonymy? -- 5.4 The role of contact -- Conclusion -- Abbreviations (other than in the standard list of Benjamins) -- References -- Experiencers and psychological noun predicates -- 1. Introduction -- 2. 'Take′-verbs and Experiencers in Latin (and ancient Greek). 5. The North Russian perfect -- 6. The German passive of 'helfen' -- 7. Conclusions -- 7.1 Haspelmath's Behaviour-before-Coding-Principle -- 7.2 Account -- 7.3 Acquisition of the coding properties -- 8. Summary -- Acknowledgement -- Abbreviations -- References -- The diachronic typology of non-canonical subjects and subject-like obliques -- Introduction -- 1. The prototype approach -- 2. Classification of non-prototypical subjects -- 3. Diachronic typology of non-prototypical subjects -- 3.1 Rise of non-prototypical subjects -- 3.1.1 An adjunct develops into a non-prototypical subject (1st Developmental Cline) -- 3.1.1.1 Step (ii). (ii.a): It is often assumed for the languages which encode the predicative possessor (in the mihi-est-type possessive construction) and the cluster (indirectly) affected participant (external possessor/experiencer/beneficiary, cf. Kemm -- 3.1.1.2 Step (iii). Step (iii) implies that there is an increasing obligatoriness for the original adjunct constituent in the construction, a consequence of the rise of semantic valence for this argument at the predicate. Even if this valence is overtly u -- 3.1.1.3 Other data. The development along the lines (i) - (iv) (including iii.a) is found with the Spanish dative adjunct extending the anticausative predicates to encode the meaning of an accidental causer, an involuntary or indirect facilitator or an un -- 3.1.2 Object develops into subject (2nd Developmental Cline) -- 3.1.3 Loss of prototypicality (3rd Developmental Cline) -- 3.1.4 Interim conclusions -- 3.2 Stability of non-prototypical subjects -- 3.2.1 Stability factors -- 3.2.2 "Dative Sickness" -- 3.3 Demise and canonicization of non-prototypical subjects -- 3.3.1 Behavior-before-Coding Principle -- 3.3.2 What is acquired first: Verbal agreement or the canonical subject case-marking? The Diachronic Typology of Non-Canonical Subjects -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- List of contributors -- Introduction -- 1. Preliminaries -- 2. Synchronic approaches to non-canonical subjects -- 3. Diachronic approaches to non-canonical subjects -- 4. Summary of contributions and structure of the book -- 5. Acknowledgments -- References -- Non selected dative arguments in Spanish anticausative constructions -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The causative alternation -- 2.1 Anticausativization as decausativization -- 2.2 Common base approaches and the reflexivization analysis -- 3. Subject dative arguments and syntactic structure -- 3.1 The syntactic properties of the dative argument -- 3.2 Syntactic structure: Datives as quirky subjects -- 4. The properties of dative subjects and event interpretation: Datives as effectors -- 4.1 Dative subjects and the cause/initial subevent -- 4.2 The semantic properties of dative subjects. More on 'subjecthood' -- 5. Conclusions -- References -- The rise of animacy-based differential subject marking in Dutch -- 1. The use of hun 'them' as a subject in Dutch -- 2. Grammatical function and animacy of hun 'them' in spoken Dutch -- 3. The use of hun 'them' as a case of differential subject marking in Dutch -- 4. Conclusion -- Acknowledgements -- References -- The Rise of Oblique Subjects in Russian -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The u+GEN subject of the North Russian be-perfect construction -- 3. The dative subject of the infinitival modal and existential constructions -- 4. The rise of the oblique subject as the grammaticalization of P -- 4.1 Grammaticalization across clauses as argument structure reduction -- 4.2 Oblique constituents as PPs -- 4.3 The rise of the u+GEN subject and the dative subject as a case of the grammaticalization of P 3. 'Take′-verbs and Experiencers in Italian. -- 3.1. The Latin system partly survives into Italian (and other Romance languages) within a complex picture of continuity and discontinuity. -- 3.4. Type B is illustrated in (13). -- 4. Some diachronic issues. -- 5. A comparative account, and some conclusions. -- References -- Between Finnic and Indo-European -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Experiencer-objects in Finnic languages -- 3. Subject properties of the experiencer argument -- 3.1 Control over the use of the reflexive pronoun -- 3.2 Deletion of the coordinated coreferential pronoun -- 3.3 Control over coreferential arguments in complementation -- 4. Agentivity effects -- 4.1 Impersonalisation and passivisation -- 4.2 Imperative -- 4.3 Word order -- 5. Conclusion -- Abbrevations -- Acknowledgments -- References -- On the historical expansion of non-canonically marked 'subjects' in Spanish -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The subject-like dative in Spanish -- 3. The evolution: A global assessment -- 4. Analysis of the diachronic expansion -- 4.1 Psychological predicates -- 4.2 External possessor constructions -- 4.3 Extensions to atypical dative subjects -- 5. Conclusions -- References -- Subjects in Scandinavian -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The nature of pro -- 3. Oblique arguments becoming subjects -- 4. Nominative becoming objects -- 5. pro replaced by pronoun -- 6. Expletive pro -- 7. Conclusion: The loss of pro -- Old norse sources -- References -- The me pudet construction in the history of Latin -- 1. Object of investigation -- 2. Brief characterization of the me pudet construction: The role of semantic information in syntax -- 3. Some insights into the semantic characterization of taedet, piget, miseret, pudet and paenitet -- 4. Reassessing the role of lexical semantics in the historical development of the me pudet construction -- 5. Concluding remarks The me pudet construction in the history of Latin Marina Benedetti -- Jan Terje Faarlund -- Non-canonical subject marking Olga Fernández-Soriano, Amaya Mendikoetxea -- Synthesis -- Rise of canonical subjecthood Non selected dative arguments in Spanish anticausative constructions On the historical expansion of non-canonically marked ‘subjects’ in Spanish Prelim pages -- List of contributors -- Experiencers and psychological noun predicates Chiara Fedriani -- Part I. Rise of non-canonical subjects or subject-like obliques -- Dmitry Ganenkov -- The rise of oblique subjects in Russian Liina Lindström -- Table of contents -- The diachronic typology of non-canonical subjects and subject-like obliques The rise of non-canonical subjects and semantic alignments in Hindi Subject index Annie Montaut -- Ilja A. Seržant, Chiara Fedriani, Leonid Kulikov -- The rise of animacy-based differential subject marking in Dutch Part II. Historical changes in constructions with non-canonical subjects or subject-like obliques -- Hakyung Jung -- Language index -- Axel Holvoet -- Ilja A. Seržant -- Helen de Hoop -- Introduction Part III. From non-canonical subjects or subject-like obliques to canonical subjects -- Chantal Melis, Marcela Flores -- Between Finnic and Indo-European Obliqueness, quasi-subjects and transitivity in Baltic and Slavonic Subjects in Scandinavian Daniel Kölligan -- Diachrony of experiencer subject marking |
| Title | The Diachronic Typology of Non-Canonical Subjects |
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