On Tense, agreement, and the syntax of null and overt subjects Evidence from Romance infinitives

In this paper I argue that the position and realization of subjects in adverbial non-finite clauses in Italian, Spanish, Galician, and European Portuguese can provide valuable insight into the licensing conditions for pro and postverbal subjects in finite clauses in these pro-drop languages. I first...

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Vydané v:Isogloss Ročník 10; číslo 7; s. 1 - 18
Hlavný autor: Fernández-Salgueiro, Gerardo
Médium: Journal Article
Jazyk:English
Vydavateľské údaje: Bellaterra Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona, Servei de Publicacions 01.01.2024
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ISSN:2385-4138, 2385-4138
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Shrnutí:In this paper I argue that the position and realization of subjects in adverbial non-finite clauses in Italian, Spanish, Galician, and European Portuguese can provide valuable insight into the licensing conditions for pro and postverbal subjects in finite clauses in these pro-drop languages. I first provide evidence that Tense and Agreement constitute separate syntactic heads in these languages, as argued by Belletti (1990) among others, and also apply this analysis to non-finite clauses in Spanish, Galician, and Portuguese. I will also argue, after analyzing the syntactic variation exhibited by subjects in non-finite clauses (containing regular and inflected infinitives) in Spanish, Galician, and European Portuguese, that (i) postverbal overt subject DPs are licensed by a full set of φ-features in Agr (overt or covert), (ii) pro is licensed by an Agr head that is overtly realized by either overt φ-features or verb movement, and (iii) preverbal overt subject DPs are licensed by verb movement to Agr.
Bibliografia:ObjectType-Article-1
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ISSN:2385-4138
2385-4138
DOI:10.5565/rev/isogloss.416