Non-agreeing degree constructions.

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Titel: Non-agreeing degree constructions.
Autoren: Mendia, Jon Ander1 (AUTHOR) jon.ander.mendia@gmail.com, Espinal, M.Teresa1 (AUTHOR)
Quelle: Journal of Linguistics. Apr2025, Vol. 61 Issue 2, p265-300. 36p.
Schlagwörter: *SEMANTICS (Philosophy), *NOMINALS (Grammar), *VERB phrases, *ORDINAL measurement
Abstract: This paper deals with a construction, which we dub Non-Agreeing Degree (NAD) constructions, with the distinguishing property that the agreement pattern between subjects and degree predicates is optionally disrupted, even in languages (like Spanish) where verbs commonly agree with their subjects. We show that the agreeing versus non-agreeing alternation comes with important semantic differences for the interpretation of the degree construction. We provide a first systematic description of this type of constructions and postulate a formal syntactic and semantic analysis. We argue that NAD constructions are characterized by degree predicates that introduce a non-conventional nominal scale and by subjects that are interpreted as equally non-conventional units of measurement. We postulate an intensionalization process on the subject of NAD constructions, which we capture via a general nominalization function that allows a default as well as an ordinary agreement pattern between subject and copula. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
Datenbank: Academic Search Index
Beschreibung
Abstract:This paper deals with a construction, which we dub Non-Agreeing Degree (NAD) constructions, with the distinguishing property that the agreement pattern between subjects and degree predicates is optionally disrupted, even in languages (like Spanish) where verbs commonly agree with their subjects. We show that the agreeing versus non-agreeing alternation comes with important semantic differences for the interpretation of the degree construction. We provide a first systematic description of this type of constructions and postulate a formal syntactic and semantic analysis. We argue that NAD constructions are characterized by degree predicates that introduce a non-conventional nominal scale and by subjects that are interpreted as equally non-conventional units of measurement. We postulate an intensionalization process on the subject of NAD constructions, which we capture via a general nominalization function that allows a default as well as an ordinary agreement pattern between subject and copula. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
ISSN:00222267
DOI:10.1017/S0022226724000148